SPIRITUALITY AND CULTISM:

A CASE STUDY OF A NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENT –

THE MAGNIFICAT MEAL MOVEMENT

MIKE GARDE BD, H. Dip Ed.

M.A. IN THEOLOGY – 2006, MILLTOWN INSTITUTE OF THEOLOGY AND PHILOSOPHY

A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THEOLOGY IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF M.A. IN THEOLOGY

DIRECTED BY DR JACK FINNEGAN DD, DUBLIN, JUNE 2006

TABLE OF CONTENTS i-iii

Acknowledgements iv

Statement of Originality v

Abstract vi

Ethical Statement vii

Title: SPIRITUALITY AND CULTISM: viii

A CASE STUDY OF A NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENT –

THE MAGNIFICAT MEAL MOVEMENT

Chapter One: THE JOURNEY 1

1.1 Introduction 2

1.1.1 My Journey – Spiritual Aspects 6

1.1.2 Professional Aspect 9

1.1.3 Academic Aspect 9

1.1.4 The Definitional Problem 12

1.1.5 Focus of this Thesis 13

1.1.6 Structure of the Thesis 14

Chapter Two: NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS, CULTS AND SECTS:
WHAT DO WE CALL THEM? 17

2.1 Cults: What’s in a Name? 18

2.2 Theological Definitions 20

2.2.1 Cardinal Francis Arinze’s View 21

2.2.2 Cardinal Christoph Schönborn’s View 23

2.2.3 The Continuing Terminological Debate 24

2.3 Psychological Definitions 26

2.3.1 The International Cultic Studies Association – (ICSA) View 27

2.3.2 Marc Galanter’s View 31

2.4 Sociological Definitions 33

2.4.1 Jeff Hadden’s View 34

2.4.2 The Sociological Views of the ICSA 37

2.4.3 Eileen Barker and the Term NRM 38

2.4.4 Massimo Introvigne & Gianni Ambrosio’s Views 39

2.5 Summarising the Literature 40

2.6 Cultism 41

Chapter Three: THE HISTORY OF THE MMM 44

3.1 Origins 45

3.1.1 Review of Literature 46

3.1.2 Aims 47

3.2 A Biographical Note 48

3.2.1 The Early Years 48

3.2.2 The Practices at Toowoomba 52

3.2.3 Developments in Queensland 54

3.3 The Laurentin Episode 58

3.4 The Changing Relationship with the Catholic Church 60

3.5 Decline 64

3.5.1 Debra and the MMM’s Widening Civil Conflict 66

3.5.2 The Mansour Dossier 69

3.5.3 Strange Incidents 72

Chapter Four: THE MMM IN IRELAND 74

4.1 Beginnings in Ireland 75

4.1.1 Review of Literature 75

4.1.2 The Importance of Medjugorje 76

4.1.3 First Encounters 77

4.1.4 Late Arrival 77

4.1.5 Developments 79

4.1.6 Growth 83

4.1.7 The End of Dialogue 84

4.1.8 Decline 89

4.1.9 The beginning of the End 90

4.2 The MMM in Ireland 2000-2006 95

4.2.1 The Underground “Catholic” Church 95

4.2.2 Liveline with Joe Duffy 96

4.2.3 Another Underground Visit 100

4.2.4 Demands from Debra 101

4.2.5 Departures and Arrivals 102

4.3 Conclusion 104

Chapter Five: THE MMM A CULTIST NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENT? 107

5.1 Introduction 108

5.1.1 Theology: Conventional Pieties and Enthusiastic Spirituality 108

5.1.2 Debra’s Spirituality 109

5.1.2.1 Signs and Wonders – Healings and Thaumaturgical Powers 110

5.1.2.2 Biblical and Prophetic Piety 111

5.1.3 Traditionalism 112

5.1.4 Eucharistic and Marian Devotion 114

5.1.5 Heterodoxy 126

5.2 Psychological Dimensions of Cultism within the MMM 128

5.2.1 Conversion – Entry and Exit 129

5.3 The Sociological Dimensions of Cultism 132

5.3.1 Conversionist 134

5.3.2 Revolutionist (or Transformative) 135

5.3.3 Introversionist 135

5.3.4 Manipulationist (or Magical) 135

5.3.5 Thaumaturgical (or Miraculous) and Reformist 136

5.3.6 Utopian 136

5.3.7 The Wilson Typology: Further Considerations 137

5.3.8 The Lewis View 138

5.4 Movement-Sect-Cultist NRM 139

Chapter Six: CONCLUSIONS 143

6.1 Introduction 144

6.1.1 Christian Responses 147

6.1.2 The Emerging Challenge of Fundamentalism 149

6.1.3 The Theological Implications 152

Audiography 154

Bibliography 155

Netography 161

Videography 163

Appendix 164

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to acknowledge and thank a number of people. First there is my wife Meriel and my daughter Caroline, who have had to hear the mantra “The Masters” for the past four years. They have dealt with my monomania with love and support. Louis Hughes OP who was formerly the chairperson of Dialogue Ireland was also my supervisor for the first two years of my studies, until ill health necessitated him discontinuing this role. He was a great support to me while I was a research MA student and Chapter Two shows his influence on my reflections on the term a cultist NRM. Then to the registrar of the Milltown Institute, Bernadette Flanagan, a special word of thanks for seeking me out to stretch the mind after nearly thirty years absence from the academic world. She was always available, a friend and guide on this rocky road. A major word of thanks is owing to Jack Finnegan for taking over as director from Louis and his unflinching support in getting me to the finishing line. He had a wonderful ability to encourage me in my research, with various books, articles, and tamed my jagged expression into a polished prose. Thanks are also due to Chris O’ Donnell for his advice in the field of Mariology. The amendments proposed by the external and internal examiners Jim Mc Cormack, and Thomas Grenham added clarity and perspicuity to the final text. 
To all the staff at the Milltown Institute who helped in the lonely path of being a research student many thanks for all the little things that made for a successful conclusion. A special word of thanks to Helen Manning in this regard. It was pleasant to join other students when earlier in my studies I took part in selected courses. Thanks are also due to Helen Carr for proof-reading my text. Also to all my friends in Dialogue Ireland who have supported me in a similarly lonely journey in ministering in the Cultist NRM field a big thank you. Finally as part of the study of spirituality I have been blessed by a deepening in my understanding of God and the reality that underneath are the everlasting arms. To God be the glory.

STATEMENT OF ORIGINALITY

DECLARATION

The views presented in this thesis are the findings of the candidate. All sources employed have been acknowledged.

______________________________

Candidate

______________________________

Director

ABSTRACT

This thesis is concerned with the distinguishing characteristics of cultist NRMs. The Magnificat Meal Movement (MMM) is the particular focus through which this is done. Chapter One is introductory in nature and outlines the task of the different chapters and their development. The spiritual, professional, and academic aspects relevant to the topic are integrated. Chapter Two investigates and evaluates the question of terminology and its classification. Oriented by methodological developments in spirituality and practical theology, this chapter uses an interdisciplinary approach to critically review what scholars in the field are saying. A new definition of cultist NRMs is advanced. This necessitates a move away from identifying groups or persons allegedly involved in cults in favour of the recognition of patterns of behaviour and human mentalities called cultist tendencies or attitudes that can be clearly identified and analysed. This new approach has clear pastoral, spiritual and theological advantages.

Chapter Three is contextual in nature. It traces the origins and development of the MMM and its foundress Debra Geileskey in Australia. While this is done in a chronological fashion, the chapter is concerned to identify the underlying religious patterns that come to characterise the MMM. The conflation of the person of Debra with the MMM will be evidenced. Chapter Four examines the history of the MMM in Ireland using the same methodology as in Chapter Three. Patterns of growth and decline will also be traced. Chapter Five takes up the task of critical evaluation and asks the question: is the MMM a cultist NRM? Chapter Six draws the conclusions about the MMM together, and identifies it clearly as a cultist NRM. Specific recommendations for those involved with NRMs are proposed. Areas for further study and issues that need to be addressed by the Churches and the Irish State in relation to NRMs are identified.

ETHICAL STATEMENT

The ethical conduct of this study in fulfilment of the requirements for an M.A. in theology is based on the Research Ethics of the Code of Ethics and Regulations of the Milltown Institute. Most of those who were interviewed gave permission for their names to be used in the research. Three persons who wished to remain anonymous gave interviews. These were recorded in such a manner as to ensure full confidentiality and security. Letters of the alphabet were employed to protect their anonymity. All gave written consent including those interviewed in Australia in 2003 when I did field work in Helidon, the present location of the MMM. Because of the closed nature of the MMM my attempts to obtain interviews there, especially with the Irish members, were rebuffed. I made one last effort to ensure academic balance by emailing Claire Murphy and Debra in early April 2006 offering to give them access to my research. I received no reply. All the participants gave an informed consent and were made aware of the full list of their rights and ethical rules such as the right to withdraw from the research at any time.

SPIRITUALITY AND CULTISM:

A CASE STUDY OF A NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENT-

THE MAGNIFICAT MEAL MOVEMENT

Chapter One:

THE JOURNEY

1.1 Introduction

Work on this dissertation represents a spiritual, professional and academic journey that has brought me through the academic study of spirituality into contact with the emerging field of practical theology. It is spiritual in that academic study may serve as a means of integrating elements of meaning and significance in one’s life journey; professional, in that practical experience in the field shows that New Religious Movements (NRMs) generally evoke a poorly informed level of response not only from pastoral and spiritual practitioners, but also from the media, government and other agencies; and academic, as an exercise in interdisciplinary critical reflection and analysis, a theoretically based praxis. NRMs represent a complex and multilayered challenge that sometimes leads to very problematic results for loved ones and family members, and experience in the field shows that supporting them represents a significant pastoral and spiritual challenge. Fortunately, the experiences of most people joining new religious movements are less than dramatic. Researching this thesis has been an occasion for critical self-reflection that has informed and strengthened my own professional praxis in the field. The academic aspect of this journey has radically altered my views at theoretical, terminological and interpersonal levels. Issues long left on the back burner have been allowed to surface and have been integrated into this work.

1.1.1 My Journey – Spiritual Aspects

My purpose here is to outline the forces that have shaped my own spiritual and religious commitments and brought me to this work. I first became interested in the field of NRMs after my conversion to Christianity through the preaching of Billy Graham at Earl’s Court in 1966. He suggested that a good way to grow in one’s faith was to preach at Hyde Park Corner. As a result I met Donald Soper with his Christian Socialism, The Christadelphians, and members of the Catholic Evidence Guild, all offering their understanding of faith! At the time Christianity was under serious intellectual scrutiny and for many believers this became a period of anti-intellectual retreat. I worked at a rescue mission in New York in 1968, the year when there were student revolts around the world that led to a renewed period of religious experimentation. I remember in 1969 while the North was in turmoil I found myself at the L’Abri community in Switzerland founded by Francis Schaeffer. Here the narrow limits one experienced in many Churches were cast aside as we looked at the world of philosophy, culture and world religion.

Schaeffer reminds the person on a spiritual quest of a very specific danger, the flight from reason into an upper story or faith realm that evades the challenge of the higher criticism so necessary to modern theology.[1] While a student at St Patrick’s College Maynooth I was in Washington DC working for the magazine Christianity Today during the Watergate Hearings in 1973. I was on a quest, a search partly brought about by my own difficult origins and partly by my search for integration as a person. I now recognise that I was on a defensive search for absolutes, the true Church, and the truth, anything that would take me away from the world of feelings. I was not aware of this tendency till much later when I found recovery through a twelve-step programme called ACOA (Adult Children of Alcoholics). ACOA’s avoid emotional exposure and use the cognitive world as a shield. The twelve-step programme started by AA is thus a foundational pillar of my own spirituality, one that has helped me understand what motivates people to seek answers to life’s difficult questions even in ostensibly strange NRMs. Not surprisingly, I have observed that, while many young people who join NRMs have a very high IQ, they tend to be emotionally tuned out.

I am also a child of South African apartheid. My father was originally from Cobh. The family left Ireland in 1919 when my grandfather got a bullet through his hat from Republicans having served in the trenches with the British Army. My mother and father met in Germany while he served with the Allied Army of Occupation after the Second World War. He was Protestant and she was Roman Catholic, so I am also a child of a mixed marriage that unfortunately did not succeed. I grew up in Johannesburg near where Nelson Mandela was captured, and I experienced the tightening stranglehold of the apartheid regime, the pass laws and people being picked up by Black Marias. I was baptised in the Anglican Church, the Church of Trevor Huddleston and Desmond Tutu.

I was sent to an Anglican boarding school in Bloemfontein, a really strong Afrikaner area in the Orange Free State. I joined the school choir and found a lot of support from a school chaplain who later had to flee South Africa because he opposed the government. Among my most vivid memories is the night of Sharpeville, when armoured cars surrounded the school. My parents divorced when I was eleven, but before we left SA I witnessed the attempted assassination of Hendrik Verwoerd the Prime Minister of the time at the show grounds in Johannesburg in 1960. Later that year I joined my mother and moved to Cork. Intriguingly, I moved from a society dominated by colour to one dominated by religion. Even then I experienced the dangerously divisive power of both politics and religion.

In Ireland I went to Midleton College, a Church of Ireland school still orientated at that time to the Anglo-Irish connection. None of my companions went to UCC and no one joined the Irish defence forces. The Church of Ireland at the time seemed to me to be a grey institution compared to the High Church riches of the Church of the Province of Southern Africa. Strangely, growing up in this minority Protestant context was a little like being a part of the white minority in South Africa. I can remember being asked for a blue card to attend a dance in a church hall, which was intended to preserve the Protestant ethos in the face of the Ne Temere decree. I generally did not identify with that tribal approach and gradually moved outside the Church as institution.